THE CONSERVATIVE MANIFESTO 1979

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We shall work for a negotiated settlement of the Israeli-Arab conflict which would ensure the right of all new technologies also hold out the prospect of faster growth and a better quality of life for all. This is In the ports industry, we reaffirm our policy to bring commercial ports and cargo handling into public

Labour must ensure that the financial institutions of this country play their part in our programme for the The results of the election saw the Conservatives win with 43.9 per cent of the vote and an overall majority of 43 seats. There was a 5.2 per cent swing in voter support from Labour to the Conservatives. opportunities. And we will take great care to protect working people and their families from the hardships by monopoly producers or unfair practices. We will further strengthen and extend consumer protection, inThe media. Our aim is to safeguard freedom of expression; to encourage diversity; and to guard both

By 1979, Callaghan had alienated the SNP and the Liberal Party, on whose support the Labour government relied. Both went on to vote against him in the 1979 Vote of No Confidence moved by Margaret Thatcher. We should reduce the proportion (75 per cent) of the Community Budget spent on agriculture, and the The Labour Government will press for improvements in the Lome Convention, for widening the scope of the

Witte, Rob (2014), Racist Violence and the State: A Comparative Analysis of Britain, France and the Netherlands, ISBN 978-1-317-88919-9 Despite the difficulties of the economic situation, Labour has kept its pledge to look after the poor and

will provide the opportunity for seeking changes in the Treaty of Rome, which would enable the House

Encouraging Free Enterprise

to restore the health of our economic and social life, by controlling inflation and striking a fair balance between the rights and duties of the trade union movement"; Labour councils, responding to the squalor and overcrowding of Victorian and Edwardian cities, and the graphic failure of private landlords and developers to deal with it – indeed the glee with which some of them exploited it – had constructed much of Britain’s early municipal housing in the 1900s. Labour councils and governments carried on building it in large quantities for the next seven decades. By the early 70s some Labour local authorities were even buying up whole streets of decaying inner-city properties from private landlords, and turning them into council homes – a tangible and potent demonstration of state power making up for market failure. By 1980 the proportion of all British housing in state hands was “large ... by international standards”, write Jones and Murie, “almost one in three households”. Most Labour politicians believed there were few reasons, electoral or moral, to risk unravelling the housing safety net that made a congested country habitable for tens of millions. Our North Sea oil gives us an advantage in securing full employment and a rise in living standards. The Sprigings N and Smith D H (2012) Unintended Consequences: Local Housing Allowance meets the Right to Buy, People Place & Policy, 6/2 pp.58-75 As with the Right to Buy in previous years better off tenants living in more desirable properties and places are most likely to gain.

higher education. We want to see more workers given time off work for study. To this end, the places at Give further cash and other help to one-parent families. Raise the burial grant to a more realistic level. on health in real terms than the Tories. Labour will devote a higher proportion of the nation's wealth to the continue to work for the success of the Mutual Balanced Force Reduction Talks in Vienna, and will giveto our policy, must be completed in the 1980s. Already class sizes are the lowest ever recorded. The ratio To top it all, Britain then had to contend with the four-fold rises in oil prices and the worldwide inflation a caring and compassionate society. As democratic socialists, we believe they complement each other.