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No Politics But Class Politics

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It’s not clear why that assertion is so important to them; they never accompany it with an argument, and it feels rather like an accusation without the courage of its convictions.

The project of making higher education free (or at least significantly more affordable) would do more to improve the educational opportunities and outcomes for students of color than simply shuffling around the very small number of spaces available at the top of the pyramid.

The struggles for civil rights and multiculturalism have won vital victories and raised all kinds of possibilities. Conservatives who try to blame black crime on race and liberals who try to blame it on racism are both missing the point. promised to assist employers’ needs for rational labor force management and were present in the foundation of the fields of industrial relations and industrial psychology. S. the black unemployment rate is consistently higher than the white unemployment rate: for example, in 2021, black unemployment was 8.

is professor emeritus of political science at the University of Pennsylvania, specializing in studies of issues of racism and U. Photograph: Paul Kane/Getty Images View image in fullscreen ‘The trickle down feminism of the Clinton candidacy was, in many ways, similar to that espoused by Julia Gillard during her prime ministership. Consider the San Francisco Board of Supervisors’ vote to accept a draft plan of reparations recommendations that include a one-time payment of 5 million dollars, the complete discharge of all personal debts, a guaranteed income of 97,000 dollars, and the ability to purchase any home in the city for 1 dollar. Rustin saw politics through a concrete, strategic lens, which provided a perspective that has become increasingly remote from both academic and activist experience.Writing in the 1960s, soon after desegregation had opened up some space for black professionals, managers, and business people, Black Panther Huey Newton warned that black identity or nationalism can be harnessed by the emerging black elite to take control of the radical movement and suppress the demands of black working people who in reality had very different interests.

Without any guiding take on the power structure of wider society, a politics of identity can lead in self-defeating directions. As Michaels explains, “The identity that is identical to action is not really an identity — it’s just the name of the action: worker, capitalist.The system that generates these oppressions and the exploitation at its heart go unchallenged and is even perhaps strengthened by being able to appear inclusive. She never accepted analytical categories that attributed political agency to abstractions like “the black community,” “white supremacy,” or even “capitalism,” and always grounded her arguments in the issues, concerns and understandings of the groups and tendencies she studied.

A further entailment of Parker’s view of his achievement is that history, for him, must remain narrow—a conduit for inspiration or therapy, for bequeathing legacies, or for purveying information or misinformation to the present—and not much more. Furthermore, the belief that one can imitate another race rests on the assumption that you are betraying your actual race; in other words, it still takes race seriously as a biological fact. What else can explain the fact that Black women, on average, are paid 63 percent of what non-Hispanic white men are paid? Nonetheless, prominent abolitionists, including Frederick Douglass and the free black community of Boston, were enthusiastic about its formation and instrumental in recruiting its ranks.It’s an argument with profound implications for a left too often infatuated with the symbolic power of celebrity gestures.

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